SALLIE WAGNER INTERVIEW [BEGIN SIDE A] This is Karen Underhill with Northern Arizona University. It's December 15, 1998. We're at the home of Sallie Wagner. She's being interviewed for the United Indian Traders Association [Oral History] Project. Also in the room are Brad Cole from Northern Arizona University, and Lew Steiger. Underhill: Sallie, if we may begin at the beginning, could you tell us when and where you were born? Wagner: (laughs, others respond with laughter) A long time ago! I was born in 1913, in Wheeling, West Virginia. Underhill: Who were your parents? Wagner: Do you mean their names? Underhill: Uh-huh. Wagner: Elsie Whitaker was my mother, and Dwight Wagner was my father. I had an older brother and an older sister. Underhill: How many years were you in West Virginia? Had you spent your childhood there? Wagner: Until I was about twelve or thirteen, and then I went away to school. In the summers, I came out here. I had persuaded my father to bring me out. Underhill: And what attracted you to this area? Wagner: Well, we had quite a bit of property in West Virginia, and there was a prehistoric site on it, and I kept finding things. Actually, my brother collected arrowheads at a great rate. Then when he got tired of whatever he was collecting, he passed it on to baby sister. So he passed on the arrowheads to me. Then I kept finding more things around outside, and I became interested in the people who had done these things, and I read all sorts of things--most of them just novels. Then I was reading the travel section of The New York Times, one Sunday afternoon, and it was all about this part of the country, and I persuaded my father to bring me out. Underhill: Wonderful! What did you think on your first trip? Wagner: Oh! I was bowled over, as most people are, and I kept coming back every year. And then after I was old enough, I came by myself. Underhill: How old were you the first time you came? Wagner: I think I was about fourteen. Underhill: And where all did you go when you would come out for the summer? Wagner: Well, we started in Albuquerque and we hired a car and a driver and we saw everything around the Albuquerque area, and then came to Santa Fe and did that here, and then to Taos. We drove up to Mesa Verde, and believe me, a trip to Mesa Verde in those days was awful! So I saw a good deal of the Southwest, early. Underhill: And what did your father think? Wagner: He loved it. My mother came out once, and she liked it, too, but she wasn't very well, so she only came the one time. Underhill: And where did you go to school then? Wagner: I went to the National Cathedral in Washington, to boarding school, and then to the University of Chicago. Underhill: What did you study? Wagner: Anthropology. What else?! Underhill: You mentioned you came back by yourself then. Was that to live, after you graduated from college? Wagner: No. No, it was in the summers. Underhill: What brought you ultimately to the Southwest, when did you come and stay? Wagner: Well, of course we lived on the Navajo Reservation for thirteen years, and we kept coming over here from there. But to stay, to live year-round, in the fifties. Underhill: When did you go to the Navajo Nation, and what brought you there? Wagner: Navajos! brought us there. That was in 1938. My husband was in the Park Service, and we were sent to Canyon de Chelly. We liked the Navajos, but we didn't like working for the government. We'd gotten to be friends with Cozy and Inja McSparron, who had the trading post at the mouth of the canyon. We moved in with them and we resigned from the Park Service. We were sitting around one evening, trying to decide what to do next, and Cozy said, "Why don't you buy a trading post?" Well, that fit right in with our interest in anthropology, so Cozy and Inja and the two of us looked around for posts for sale, and we found Wide Ruins. Underhill: What attracted you to Wide Ruins as opposed to other places? Wagner: There weren't very many other posts for sale on the reservation. There were two others, at the Sawmill and Nazlini. We liked Wide Ruins better, it was more attractive. It was by itself, not in a community. So we took a course in trading from Cozy and moved in! Underhill: Do you remember what you paid to take over the Wide Ruins Trading Post? Wagner: I don't remember. It wasn't much. I think it was about $10,000. The post had been very badly run down. There was almost nothing in it. There was a caseful of moth-eaten fur hats and a few canned goods-- that was about it. Underhill: What were the living conditions like at Wide Ruins when you first arrived? Wagner: Well, at first, they were comfortable. We had indoor plumbing and that sort of thing. But all the time we were there, we heated entirely with fireplaces. As you know, it gets pretty cold out there, but there was plenty of wood, and the Navajos kept us supplied with it. We did redo the place considerably. The one bathroom was in a remote area, so we put in another bathroom near the bedrooms, and put on a new roof. One end of the living room had been nothing but chicken wire plastered over so we had to re- do that. Yeah, there was a lot of re-doing. It gave jobs to the Navajo, too, and gave us a good introduction to them. They had not had a viable post there for so long that they were very happy to see the shelves stocked. Underhill: What kind of goods did you carry? Wagner: Oh, everything! Just like all trading posts did--buckets and saddles and axes and canned goods and clothes. We got rid of the fur hats. Boots, wagons, hay, penny candy--anything you care to mention. Underhill: And at that time would you take livestock and wool? Wagner: Oh, yes! that's how the customers paid off their debts. The business was run almost entirely on credit-- like all the posts. They would pay off with wool in the spring and with lambs in the fall. And then we would sell those products, drive the sheep to the railroad. Underhill: And how long a drive was that, to get the livestock to… Wagner: Well, that would depend. Sometimes we trucked them, and then it would just be a day. But if we drove them, we always wanted to drive them slowly, and it'd take maybe three days. Underhill: And would you go along? Wagner: No. No, we hired the Navajos to do that. Underhill: What were the Navajo customers like in that era? Wagner: Oh, they were great! I really liked them. They were quite honest. I think that sort of thing varied from various places on the reservation. But at Wide Ruins they were very nice people. Underhill: And what did your family think of you living in such isolation? Wagner: Well, my father thought it was a great idea. My mother was gone by that time, but I belonged to quite an extended family back in West Virginia. They still think I'm crazy. I've tried to lure a few of them out here, and actually I have. I have three cousins living here in Santa Fe now, who came out because of me. But most of the family disapproves. Underhill: Did you learn to speak Navajo? Wagner: Not really. I can trade in it, but I'm particularly stupid when it comes to languages. Actually, you see, on Cozy's recommendation, we hired Bill Cousins, whose father was a trader. You may know of the Cousins brothers. Underhill: We haven't met them yet, but we know the name. Wagner: And we hired Bill, theoretically, temporarily. Of course he spoke Navajo, but he proved to be so important that he stayed on the entire time we were there. Underhill: And that was thirteen years that you were there, then? Wagner: Uh-huh. Underhill: And what was Bill Cousins like? Wagner: Oh, he was great! And then in the later years, his wife came down and helped, too. I think Bill was the most honest person I have ever met in all my life. He would lean over backwards to be honest about every little detail. He also had a great sense of humor. He used to tease the Navajos a lot, and they liked it, they thought it was fun. They liked him. Underhill: And do you remember what kinds of teasing would go back and forth between customers and you as a trader? Wagner: Oh, sure. Let's see. Well, he would deliberately mispronounce their names so that somebody would come out being called "Mouse's son," that sort of thing. And also, he would instruct one of the Navajos to dust the store, and the Navajo would start dusting, and he'd dust all around the customers, he'd dust them off, and dust off Bill. Yeah, it was really a good friendly way to behave with all of them. Underhill: For someone who's not familiar with Navajo culture, how would you describe them as a people? Wagner: Of course, most people don't think of anything outside their own culture. I would say that they were individualists� I really wouldn't try to explain their culture. Underhill: How did the trading post business change from the time you arrived until the time you left? Wagner: It didn't really change, but we knew it was going to, and that's why we left. It was after the war, and of course the men coming back from service had seen things on the outside, and there was a restlessness among the people, that we knew was not too good. We didn't want to see that. We wanted to say goodbye while we were still friends. Navajos still come over here to see me once in a while. I don't know whether you've read my book. You're asking me questions that are answered in the book. Underhill: We need it in a live format! Wagner: That is the one published at the university here. Underhill: Uh-huh. Wagner: I also did one that Northland Press published. Underhill: That's the one I think we have. Cole: Yeah. Underhill: How did you get the supplies that you traded with at the post? Wagner: We dealt exclusively with the wholesale houses in Gallup, and almost entirely with Gross-Kelly. They would send out big trucks loaded down with all our supplies periodically. They did this all over the reservation, of course--all the wholesale houses did. We would simply order through them. Now, most of the traders paid off, I think, through the wholesale houses with the wool and the sheep. They would pay off what they owed, that way. But you see we had our own private funds, so we skipped the wholesale houses, and we would sell directly to the Boston wool market, the feed lots, that sort of thing. And, we would pay cash to the wholesale houses. Underhill: Unusual. Would salesmen come out to see you? Wagner: Oh, yes. As a matter of fact, one of the salesmen was Si Goldman. His daughter is the head of the Rape Crisis Center here. I'm quite involved with that center, and she and I have become good friends. It was a great surprise to us to find out that her father was Si Goldman--just like it must have been a surprise to you this morning. Underhill: Uh-huh, exactly. And what was he like? Wagner: Si? Underhill: Uh-huh. Wagner: A very nice man. He's still living in Albuquerque. You should interview him! Underhill: How frequently did he come to visit? Wagner: Oh, maybe once every six weeks. Of course there were other salesmen who did the same thing. Underhill: How common was it for tourists to come through? Wagner: Oh, we never had tourists. Oh, I can't say never, because one would turn up occasionally who'd got lost or something like that. Underhill: And who were your friends at that time? Who did you socialize with? Wagner: Well, we had a lot of people, friends from outside to come and stay with us for a week or so. That happened too much, as a matter of fact. There was one stretch of time, two years, when Bill and I didn't sit down to one meal alone together. That got to be much too much. So we were very careful about issuing invitations, but people came without invitations sometimes. We'd meet somebody in Colorado Springs where my sister lived, at a cocktail party or something like that, and when we would meet these persons, they would say something like, "Oh, you live on the Navajo Reservation? We're going to stop by and see you the next time we go by." Of course the polite thing to say is, "Well, I hope you do." But we got so we would say, "(polite laugh), hm." Not say anything! But they came anyway sometimes. But then of course we enjoyed most of them. Underhill: And how often did you go to town? Wagner: Not very often, maybe every six weeks or two months. Oh, well, besides these people that came to stay with us, we were also friends with the government people up at Klagetoh, which was north of us. You probably know where Klagetoh is, on the way to Ganado. (someone enters, tape paused) Underhill: What were the traders like of that era, the people that you met who were also traders? Wagner: We didn't meet any traders. The only ones we knew were Cozy and Inja, his wife. Underhill: And how would you describe them? Wagner: Oh, they were wonderful. Cozy had a wicked sense of humor. He used to play practical jokes on everybody. He insisted that his wife, who's name was Inja, I-N-J-A, that she was named for her grandmother's home state, Inja-anna. Cozy was an old-time trader. He'd been on the reservation for many years. He really knew the Navajos, and he knew the canyons, Canyon de Chelly and Del Muerto Monument. Underhill: What sort of advice did he give you as you were embarking on your own enterprise? Wagner: Oh, well, of course the best advice was to get Bill Cousins! That was really wonderful. But it wasn't advice exactly, it was just how to trade. Underhill: Can you describe for us a typical trade interaction in your store? Wagner: I wrote that up in my book! Well, a woman would come in with a rug, and she would come in very quietly, carrying the rug wrapped up in a flour sack. She would look around, finally, and if any of her friends--and most of them were her friends--she would eventually go over and touch hands. You know, they don't really shake hands, they just touch hands. Then she'd probably sit down on the loafers' bench and sit there for an hour or so. Then she'd come up and put the rug, still wrapped in the flour sack, on the counter. Then one of us would take the rug back into the room where we kept the rugs and unwrap it and spread it out and look at it and decide what we were going to give for it. We paid very high prices for the rugs that pleased us. We liked the simple patterns. Then she usually would follow us back, and we'd tell her how much we would give her, whereupon she would demand more, but we never bargained, simply because we didn't like to--and anyway, we always gave high prices. So she would agree, usually. Then the trading would begin, and she would pick out eight yards of percale, maybe. We'd measure that out, and then we'd write down the amount that that cost her on a little piece of paper, and deduct it from the price of the rug. Then she would go on to buy four cans of green chile, maybe, and then we'd deduct that from [the price of the rug]. Usually we would tell her every time that we deducted something, how much she had left. And that would go on. She'd buy a pair of shoes, an axe handle, fifty cents' worth of hay for her horse, 'cause she came in on a horse--and that sort of thing. Or, if the man or the woman--the customer--did not have something to trade at the time, and they were regular customers and we knew how honest they were--and nearly all of them were quite honest--then we would give them credit, and write that down on a piece of paper, and we would give them whatever was left, and we would keep track of how much was due us, on separate little pads for each customer. And then, as I said, they would pay off in the spring and in the fall. Underhill: And who did most of the buying, men or women? Wagner: Oh, both. Underhill: Did the women often have a separate account based on a rug sale? Wagner: Yes. Underhill: What were the most popular items for men and for women? Wagner: Well, it always was a sack of flour, a can of baking powder, and they always wound up with five caramel lollipops. They bought the percale for skirts, men's shirts, leather--just plain leather. I was trying to think what else. Oh! that's something funny-- before the war they always bought a can of tomatoes, and they would want us to open it. Then we would put a dollop of sugar in, and give them a plastic spoon, and they'd eat it. But after the war, they didn't eat it anymore. I never understood that. But after the war, they started buying underwear, which they had not before the war. Cole: How much hay would fifty cents buy? Wagner: About that much. You know, off of a bale. Cole: So just enough to feed the horse at that point. They weren't going to take it back with 'em. Wagner: No. Underhill: Did you have a guest hogan, where people would come and stay while they were trading? Wagner: No, we didn't. Steiger: If they had to feed their horses, they must have been comin' from pretty far, then? Or not necessarily? Wagner: Not necessarily, because, see, they would come in and spend nearly the whole day. Steiger: So just to give their horses somethin' to do? Wagner: Yes. Underhill: A trading post is often, of course, the center of the community--a place to socialize (Wagner: That's right.) and other kinds of things. Wagner: There was a school about a mile away, up on the hill, and of course that too is a center. I don't know how it is now, but at that time, there was a shop for the men to use, and a laundry for the women to use. Underhill: And what other kinds of services did you provide besides just staples and goods and livestock? Wagner: An ambulance service. I think all the traders did that. Whenever anybody wanted to go to the hospital, we'd take them. And of course we wrote their letters for them, they always said exactly the same thing, "Dear Son, today while I have nothing to do, I write a short note to you. Everything here are fine. Please answer back." It was always that! Oh, yes! and then too, of course the railroads and the beet fields and what not, they were recruiting workmen, and they would do that through the trading post. We would sign up men to either go to the beet fields or to work on the railroad. Underhill: And would you handle the payroll checks as they came in from those jobs? Wagner: Yes, if that did so happen. Usually they were paid where they were working. Underhill: How did the introduction of cash impact your business when people were getting paid externally? Wagner: Then they'd pay cash to us. Underhill: Did you handle pawn items at all? Wagner: Oh yes, goodness yes. This jewelry I am wearing was one of a pair of bridle conchas that died in pawn. Underhill: How much of your pawn went bad, or died? Wagner: Very little. We never gave high prices for pawn, because we didn't want it to die. Once it's gone from 'em, then it's gone for good, and they don't have anything to fall back on. If they keep the jewelry, then when they really have need, they'll have something that they can use to get some money. So we deliberately tried not to have dead pawn. Also, I think all trading posts would lend pawn back to the owners when they were having a sing or something special. They would come in and ask if they could borrow their pawn. They would always bring it back. And then of course a lot of the people who didn't really need the money that they were getting for the pawn, would pawn things just in order to have them safe in the store safe. And that's common with all the posts--it was. I understand things have changed. Underhill: Did you have a bullpen arrangement? Wagner: Oh, sure. Didn't they all? Underhill: In that era! Wagner: Yeah. And the bullpen, the area where the customers were out in front of the counters was one small step below the level of the floor in back of the counter. That's the way it was when we bought the place. I suppose there's a psychological advantage to that. Underhill: You mentioned the teasing that went back and forth. Did you have a nickname that the Navajo customers used to call you? Wagner: Oh, they called me "Red Hair," Bitsii' ich�i'ii. Underhill: How involved were you in community kinds of activities--ceremonies and those kind of things? Wagner: We took a good deal of part in those. Of course, from our anthropological background, we were interested in that. And yes, we went to a great many ceremonies, and we had ceremonies performed over us. Underhill: What kind of ceremonies did you have performed for you? Were these healing ceremonies? Wagner: Well, I had a healing ceremony for hay fever. I had hay fever terribly. It was so debilitating. Finally a medicine man undertook to cure me. And of course he painted my face and he chanted over me. But then he held his hand under my nose, and his hand was filled with very finely pulverized greenery. And I had to inhale that. Well, it nearly killed me, it nearly blew the top of my head off! But it cured me, it really did. Underhill: Did you ever find out what it was that he had? Wagner: No. (pause) Actually, I did send some of it to the ethnobotanical laboratory at the University of Michigan, but it was a conglomeration of things, and it was so finely pulverized that they didn't do anything with it. Underhill: What kinds of things did you see in terms of ceremonies and impact like that? Did you observe any other healing ceremonies while you were out there? Wagner: Oh yes, many. Sand paintings, of course. That was the principal thing. And then the Y�ii bicheii, the Night Chant, and the Mountain Chant. Sure. Underhill: How accepted do you think you were by the community? Any problems? Or were you welcome to be a part of that society? Wagner: I think we had quite an impact. First of all, it was quite an impoverished community when we first went there. We started rebuilding the post and the house and that immediately gave jobs to quite a few people. Then we had been so impressed with the rugs that Cozy was getting in at Chinle. And I still think the Chinle rugs were the best that were ever made, except way back in the early days. But we wanted to improve the rugs at Wide Ruins, and they were doing terrible weaving there--it really was pretty awful. But they knew better--they just didn't bother. And so we began an educational program. We paid rather high prices when they would do what we wanted them to. We never gave them any designs, anything like that--they did their own designing and their own dying. But it was how well the rug was woven, and whether the pattern was pleasing, which made the difference in the price. And they were able to meet those standards. So they got quite well paid, and that, along with the jobs of construction for the men, raised the economic level. The Wide Ruins type rugs are still being made there. So we did have an impact on the community. Underhill: How did you distribute your rugs that you took in for trade? Wagner: There again, we skipped the wholesale houses, and we sold directly to mostly interior decorating shops, places like that. Then the rugs gained a reputation, and people would come to Wide Ruins You asked about tourists earlier. Well, of course these were not tourists. They came directly to buy the rugs, simply because we had a reputation for good rugs. Underhill: Who do you remember among the weavers? Does anyone stand out in your mind? Wagner: Oh, yes! The entire family of Hosteen Glish--all of those women wove prodigiously, and they wove beautifully. They were very dependable. This rug here on the floor was made by Ralph Jones' wife. She was one of the best of the designers, but she didn't make very many rugs, unlike the Glish family, who were at their looms all the time. Underhill: And how is that art of weaving transferred from mother to daughter? In your opinion, how was that taught? Wagner: Of course, I guess in all communities, the daughter learns from the mother. But in our attempts to improve the weaving at Wide Ruins, we hired a teacher from Fort Wingate, a Navajo woman who had been teaching weaving at the government program at Fort Wingate. You know, it was a boarding school at that time for Navajos. Then there was a building in back of the school at Wide Ruins that was not used for anything. In fact, the roof leaked and was in pretty bad condition. We bought the materials to renovate that building, and the Navajos did the work. They made that into a workshop, with one side of it for the women for weaving--or the students, the little girls--and the other side for the little boys to learn things like tanning of skins and carpentry and such like. Then we built portable looms for the little girls, and provided them with wool, and guaranteed to buy their rugs. So we had quite a supply of little bitty rugs. Those little girls, they really learned. They were taught by the woman from Fort Wingate, and we paid her salary. Underhill: Interesting. The wool--was that raw wool that was then carded? Or did you use any commercial wools? Wagner: No, it was raw wool that they brought in. And then we would sort it--keep out the long-stapled wool--and we would turn that back to the weavers--not only to the little girls at the school, but to the regular weavers. We would deduct the price of the wool from what we gave for the finished rug. Underhill: Do you recall at all what the average price of a rug that you would provide to the weaver, what you paid for rugs, even a ballpark figure? Wagner: What we paid for rugs? Well, I do remember that for a saddle blanket, single-weave saddle blanket, was eight dollars. Now, that rug there, we paid $2,000 for. That was an unheard of price in those days. This size rug, which is a more normal size, we would pay maybe $75 to $100. But we were always sold out! Underhill: Which is great! Were you a member of the United Indian Traders Association? Wagner: Yes. Underhill: Did you have a hallmark, a stamp? Were you handling jewelry at all at that time? Wagner: The last few years on the reservation we took over the Pine Springs Post. Malin Cousins, one of Bill�s brothers, ran that. I think, yes, they did have a mark. Underhill: What were the issues that you recall that the Association was dealing with the years that you were in the trading business? Wagner: Well, of course, that was the years of the Drefkoff episode--that crazy Russian that moved onto the reservation and was about to take over everything. Underhill: We have not heard this story. Can you tell us? Wagner: Oh, goodness. Well, it was so complicated. It was when Krugg was secretary of Interior, and this Russian, whose name was Drefkoff, he had an apartment in the same building in Washington that Krugg had. On the strength of that, he said that he had a great friendship with Krugg, with the result that he was given extra privileges and what not. He and Norman Lytell, the attorney that the Navajos had hired, they got together and they wrote up laws for the traders, which would have put us all out of business immediately. The Traders Association had meeting after meeting in Gallup about this, and finally we went to Washington and appeared before Congress about it. Bill, my husband, was one of the principal speakers at the hearings. Underhill: And do you remember what year that was? Wagner: No, I don't. It was in the forties, I think. Underhill: And what was the outcome of the hearings in Washington? Wagner: Well, Drefkoff and Lytell and Krugg were reprimanded by the Congressional committee, and things simmered down and went back to normal after that. But it's all in the Congressional Record. I think they have a copy of it down at the School of American Research here. Underhill: That should be good to see. When you took over the trading post, what was the arrangement with the Navajo Tribe at that time? Did you have a lease? Wagner: No, we bought the post. Of course we were bonded by the government, but not by the tribe. Underhill: And so these regulations would have been then federal regulations, not tribal regulations, that the Association was fighting? Wagner: They'd have been both, actually--and principally tribal. But at that time, the Navajos didn't really understand business practices. So dealing with them, with a set of regulations like that, was extremely difficult. Underhill: Do you recall what sort of regulations they wanted to impose on the traders? Wagner: Well, they wanted to have the tribe get a percentage--and I've forgotten what percentage--of the gross business that we did. Well, with trading going back and forth, the gross would add up considerably. That would have been impossible. I don't remember much of the details of what was demanded. Underhill: You mentioned that the Navajo didn't understand business practices. What was the Navajo economy like, or their economic philosophy at the time? Wagner: Well, just the trade. (pause) I don't know what you mean. Underhill: We've talked to folks who have pointed out that in Navajo society there is no sense of free enterprise or individual gain. And when you said that they didn't understand business practices, is that what you meant, that they're more collectivist in terms of their outlook and, "you share"? Wagner: Yeah, it's true that in a way they didn't have the idea of individual gain, in that if somebody has more than other people, then they share that. It brings everybody down to a level. But at the same time, the Navajos are great individualists, but not in the matter of economic gain. Underhill: And were you called upon to "share" in your position as traders? Wagner: No. No. That's why I wonder about these Navajos who want to take over trading posts. Must be pretty hard on them. Underhill: The Gross-Kelly operation--you mentioned that you bypassed that in terms of handling your wool and livestock. Did you know Gross-Kelly well? Wagner: Yes. Underhill: What was he like? Wagner: He wasn't a person. Underhill: (laughs) Oh! We wondered! (laughter) So I'm asking a silly question! We'll strike that. Wagner: They were the Grosses and the Kellys, two families. There were several people in each family. Actually, the Kellys still live here in Santa Fe. Underhill: Okay. We were trying to figure that out the other day while we were driving. People have said C. N. Cotton began the business, and then someone else told us… Wagner: That was an individual. Underhill: Yes. Someone else told us that C. N. Cotton worked for Gross-Kelly, so we've been confused. (laughter) Well, now I've asked a silly question. (laughs) And how did you find your markets in Boston and other places? Wagner: Salesmen came out. Underhill: And were they trying to lure business away, then, from the wholesale houses in Gallup, by dealing direct? Wagner: That's the part I don't know. Underhill: (laughs) But they were there. Wagner: Why don't you interview Bill Cousins? Underhill: I think he's on the list. Cole: Yeah, we're going to. Wagner: Good! Give him my love. Cole: Okay. Steiger: You had mentioned before that you would sell the rugs to interior decorating houses. Where were those located? Wagner: Most of them in California and New York, Chicago. Cole: I was wondering, who did you buy Wide Ruins from? just to get that on the record. Wagner: Peter Paravette. His niece, Dora Balcomb, had owned it. As I understand it she walked off and left it, and left him with the debt, and he took over the post. That's what I understand--I don't know for sure. And so we bought it from him. Cole: The other thing I was wondering, too: did you ever commission rugs? Wagner: No. Cole: So you always just bought 'em when they brought 'em in? Wagner: Uh-huh. It's practically impossible to commission anything [from] an Indian, I find. You order moccasins, and they'll come and they'll draw around [your] foot, and then they'll take it home and they'll look at it and say, "Oh, it can't be that big!" and make it smaller. Underhill: Were you working with silversmiths at all? Any jewelry activity in your area? Wagner: Not at Wide Ruins. At Pine Springs, we left that to Bill's brother. Underhill: Now, with United Indian Traders Association, did you attend the annual meetings during the years that you were a member? Wagner: During the Drefkoff episodes, we attended all the meetings, but not otherwise, no. Underhill: And who were some of the folks you remember as members of the Association during that episode? Wagner: Oh, practically everybody: the Richardsons, the Lees. Oh, what was his name? Can't remember. But nearly all the traders were up in arms about this. Underhill: What were those traders like? You came from the east coast and had a college education. What kinds of folks were traders at the time? Wagner: Oh, they were just people. Underhill: What do you think it takes to make a good trader? Wagner: Patience, principally. And it helps to have a sense of humor. And a real feeling for the people. Underhill: What are some of your favorite memories from those years? Does anything stand out in your mind that you thought were good moments? Wagner: Well, I particularly remember old Lukachukai. He was very old. He'd been a captive of Kit Carson. He was so dignified and so handsome, and he liked us, we liked him. I remember him particularly. And the Glish family. Hosteen Glish worked for us in the store. And then the Toddy family. Joe Toddy worked for us as a yard man, and it was his little boy, Jimmy (Beatien Yazz), who turned into the artist who is well-known today. Of course I remember them particularly. And some of the old women. Lukachukai's wife. In spite of being a medicine man, he wasn't very well-off, and his wife wore rags and tatters. I used to knit mittens for her. I remember her coming in one time in the snow. Like all of them did, they wrapped their feet in rags. I gave her a pair of galoshes, and she almost cried, she was so thankful for them. Underhill: You mentioned the poverty when you arrived. Were conditions fairly primitive? Livelihood was based on sheep at that time, then? Wagner: The what? Underhill: Conditions for the people, when you first arrived, you mentioned that the poverty was fairly extreme. Wagner: Uh-huh. [END SIDE A; BEGIN SIDE B] Wagner: … that straightaway there on the highway. Well, Dan wanted to show off his new car, so he got it up to seventy, and then eighty. Around ninety, sure enough, a siren. So he pulled over, and this state policeman came over and started to write out a ticket, and then he looked over and saw Soley sitting shotgun, and the poor policeman, he didn't know what to do. He's already started to write out the ticket. So he said to Soley, "Oh, Mr. Van Solen, I didn't know it was you! What shall I do?!" And Soley, looking straight out the windshield, said, "Officer, do your duty." And those two old coots, they sat in the duck blind in Colorado for two days without speaking to each other! So that was the head of the Kelly clan. Steiger: We're rollin'. Underhill: This is Karen Underhill with Northern Arizona University. It's December 15, we're at the home of Sallie Wagner. In the room are Brad Cole, and Lew Steiger, as well. We were talking a little about conditions, poverty, and how things had improved over time. What were the transportation conditions like when you first came? Wagner: You mean our personal transportation? Underhill: Uh-huh. Wagner: Oh, the roads were simply awful! They were always bad, except in the middle of the summer. Of course, in the winter there was snow, and quite a bit of snow. Then in the spring, that snow would melt and leave mud. In the fall it would rain and there'd be more mud. And oh, yes, then in the middle of the summer it would be sand, and the wind would blow that across dunes, so they were always bad. You know, I keep wondering, how did we get along without four-wheel drive? But there wasn't any such thing then. Of course we had trucks. Underhill: And were you ever stuck? Wagner: (laughs) Oh, frequently! Usually, as a matter of fact. We carried shovels and axes in the car. I remember sitting for forty-eight hours on the road between Ganado and Chinle once. We worked and worked and worked to get out: hauled rocks, chopped brush, rebuilt the road. We did a lot of that. Underhill: And how long was your average trip to town, when you did go? How long did it usually take to get there? Wagner: Oh, it was about an hour-and-a-half to Gallup. It was seventy miles, mostly on Highway 66. Underhill: And is that also where you took people when they were ill, when you were providing ambulance services? Wagner: No, we'd go to Ganado. That oftentimes was quite a trip, too, 'cause the road would be bad, and the Indians sick. Underhill: Were you ever asked to assist with burials? Wagner: No. I don't know why not. Well, yes, once--not to do the actual burying, but to--more than once--to provide the new clothes and a blanket to wrap the body in. But we didn't do the actual burying, no. Underhill: Were there any missionaries in your area? Wagner: They came down from Ganado and St. Michael's, but there were none actually in the area. Underhill: How popular was Christianity among the people in your area? Wagner: Well, on the days that they [the missionaries] came down from Ganado, they [the Indians] were all Presbyterians, and the Presbyterians would pass out maybe clothes or maybe pamphlets or whatever. And then when the Catholics came down, they were all Catholics, and they all got holy pictures. And I remember Annie Wauneka--you know who she was--saying to me once, "Well, I'm supposed to be a Christian, but I'm really corn pollen." Underhill: What do you think the Navajo folks thought of you as traders, or the missionaries, or people working at the school? Did you ever hear them describe their reactions to Anglo folks? Wagner: No. I know they were very fond of Mrs. Kaiser, the teacher at the school. She was there for quite a number of years, and a very nice woman, and I know they liked her a lot. As for the missionaries, I really don't know. I think that they probably just accepted them as something transitory, I suppose. Underhill: How did you receive your news of the outside world while you were there? Wagner: We had a radio. As a matter of fact, the one and only time I have ever listened to short wave was a Sunday morning--I hate gadgets--I hate that thing over there, that TV--I just don't fiddle with them--but that one morning, for some reason, I was fiddling with the short wave, and I got the bombing of Pearl Harbor. (long pause) Underhill: What impact did World War II have on your area? Wagner: Oh, tremendous impact, because the men either all went into war industry or went into the service. And then, of course, when they came back, they'd seen the outside world, and they had ideas. That's when we realized that the Navajos were going to change. We didn't want to see it happen. Underhill: What kinds of ideas did they come back with, after they had seen the outside world? Wagner: Well, let's see, they wanted more possessions than they'd had before. They weren't as sure about their own culture as they had been before. And of course that marginal state is very destructive to the individual. Underhill: Did the Depression in the late thirties have any impact on your post? Wagner: No. Underhill: (inaudible) Wagner: Late thirties? It was in the early thirties. Underhill: What year did you go to… Wagner: Nineteen thirty-eight. Underhill: The Depression was early thirties, but by the time you were there, there was no problem? Wagner: Extreme poverty. Underhill: What do you think people should know about the trading story? You've read, of course, many books on the subject. Is there something that you think people who haven't experienced it don't grasp or don't understand? Wagner: Yes. I think that they should realize the important position of a trader, how the trading post was an absolute necessity. And they should realize that the traders are really friends of the Navajos. In popular literature, the Indian trader is always portrayed as cheating the Indians. Well, if he does that, he doesn't last very long on the Navajo. That is a mistaken concept. I think that in the early days of trading, that may have been true, when there was not a trading post, when the individual trader went out to the tribes. But even then, I wonder, because if he was not honest with the Indians, they would soon find out, and he wouldn't last. But it's a stereotype of the trader, that he cheats the Indians. Underhill: What differences would you say there were between--I've been told the country traders--and the stores in town, the folks in town, the folks who were working in Gallup, Flagstaff, or Farmington, the border towns? Wagner: Well, of course the ones in town also dealt with tourists. They were more curio shops. They were actual trading posts, too, of course. And they were not controlled as the ones on the reservation were. The ones on the reservation had to be bonded to the government. Theoretically, their prices were controlled--theoretically. They weren't really--at least ours weren't. But I think that the bonding gave a minimum of control. Of course it could be used to get rid of a trader. Underhill: How did you go about acquiring the bond? Was it through the BIA? Wagner: Oh, you couldn't help it, you couldn't stay there if you weren't bonded. Underhill: And was this the Bureau of Indian Affairs that did the bonding? Wagner: It was the government, yeah, the BIA. Underhill: Did the BIA come and check on posts from time to time? Wagner: Theoretically, yes. But it was very theoretical. Now, whether that was at other posts or not, I do not know. Well, I can't imagine Bill Cousins ever doing anything that would cause trouble. Underhill: And you don't remember a visit from ____________? Wagner: Oh, yes, I do. But they would simply have lunch with us and go away again. Underhill: You mentioned a couple of times teasing and humor and things. Are there any humorous episodes that stand out in your mind from your time there? Wagner: Well, in my book I've written quite a few. And I think the one that really stunned me was when a woman came in with a newborn baby on a cradleboard. She put it up on the counter and I chucked it under the chin and said "goo-goo" at it and what not. Then I said to her, "Is it a boy or a girl?" She looked at me as though I'd lost my mind and said, "Well, of course!" It absolutely stunned me! Cross-cultural confusion. Underhill: Why did you stay up until World War II? The war was causing changes as people were coming back, but for thirteen years, that's a long time to be in one place and isolated. Wagner: Well, actually, you see, my husband was in the Reserve Navy, and so he was called up before Pearl Harbor. That's why I happened to be alone, fiddling with the [short wave] radio. He was in charge of the anti-submarine nets at San Diego Harbor. And then when we actually did go into the war, I spent my time going back and forth to San Diego and coming back to Wide Ruins. It looked like the war was going to go on forever, so we actually sold the post. But the man who bought it didn't get along with the Indians. In fact, I understand he took to shooting at them, and quite understandably, they quit coming. So he couldn't keep up his payments, and we took it back. Underhill: Did you have Bill Cousins there with you during that time? Wagner: Yes. But he got a job working in a defense plant in Los Angeles, and he hated it. When we got the post back, he came right back. He couldn't wait. Underhill: With other traders in the Association, your interactions, did you find that you were always respected as a trader, as a woman? Was that ever a problem for you? Wagner: No. Underhill: It was fairly common then for women to be running trading posts while husbands were away? Wagner: I never thought of that, I don't know. Well, Bill Cousins was there. He was really doing it. You'll like him. Underhill: And then after the war, you mentioned that you were selling things like underwear. What other kinds of products did you have to begin to acquire to meet those needs? Wagner: Well, let's see. We had a slightly wider supply of canned food--not much more, but some. They were beginning to get cars, and so we'd sell oil and gas. We had a gas pump. I don't remember anything else, except those tomatoes they didn't eat. I don't know. Underhill: Were Navajo people given food stamps at all during the war? Wagner: Yes. Underhill: They had that as well? Wagner: Yes, they had the stamps just like the rest of us did for certain foods and for shoes. What else? I don't remember what else. Coffee! Underhill: When did you get your first telephone? Wagner: Oh, there was one there. Underhill: When you arrived? Wagner: Yes. Or was there? No, there wasn't! We had one put in. Yes, I remember, that was when we first went there, and it was, of course, a ring-down. It connected to the school, and then from the school to Klagetoh. And then from Klagetoh to Ganado. And then from Ganado to Window Rock. And then from Window Rock to Gallup. Yeah, getting a call through was sometimes quite a problem, because there wasn't anybody to really man the switchboard at Ganado, or, I suppose, at Klagetoh either. If a nurse happened to be going by the switchboard when you were ringing, she'd answer it. Otherwise, you didn't get anybody! Underhill: Did your telephone become a community phone for everyone in your area? Wagner: Yes. But the Navajos didn't have much use for a phone, and of course the teachers had one of their own up there. Every now and then, I remember Joe Toddy�s daughter ran away. No, she had been sent to the school at St. Michael's, and she ran away from the school, so they called to tell Joe that. I answered the phone, and I called Joe in, and Joe was terrified of the telephone. I tried to show him what to do. He'd hold the receiver way out here, and hold way back from the phone, and then yell at it. So really, they didn't have much use for the phone, or much knowledge about it. Things have changed. Underhill: When you moved to Santa Fe, to this home, did you go back? Wagner: No. You know, it burned, it's no longer there. Underhill: Did you keep up much with the trading business after that? Or moved on to different things? Wagner: Well, I got involved with the Pueblos. For quite a number of years I was going around to the pueblo villages and to the Spanish villages and buying up any really good craft work. Then I would ship that off to various stores that would like to handle that kind of thing. But it got to be too much for me, because all those villages were pretty wide apart, and I'd spend my days going to those and maybe pick up one thing. Then I did all the packing myself. About the time when it really got to be too much, was when folk art became popular, and there was really no more need to promote the folk art around here. It took off on its own. So I could relax! Underhill: Well deserved! When you were traveling to the Pueblos, did you buy from individual artists? Wagner: Yes. And to the Spanish villages too. Underhill: Silly question, but how did you determine what pieces were good, and what things you thought might sell? Wagner: That was my personal choice. One of the cousins who is living here now is doing that sort of thing worldwide. She's a member of the board of the World Wildlife Fund. She has started what you might call a business, although its nonprofit, as mine was. When she goes to these meetings of the World Wildlife, and they're usually in rather strange parts of the world, she buys the really good crafts and brings them back here. She's been having sales of those. The things are really so beautiful. She has exquisite taste, and she has access to this sort of thing all over the world. Underhill: When you were gathering up crafts and distributing them, did you find it was difficult to create a market, or were the stores you were dealing with very interested in handling things? Wagner: With the Pueblo things? Underhill: Uh-huh. Wagner: Well, I already had access to them through the stores that we'd been selling to from Wide Ruins. Then it grew. People would hear about me. Underhill: What do you think caused the huge interest that we now have in Pueblo and Hispanic crafts? Wagner: I think a lot of it was deliberately fostered--you know, the media gets hold of something like that and runs with it. And they did! Underhill: How has that, do you think, impacted the quality of crafts? Have you seen a change in quality, now that there's more demand? Wagner: I think it's better, actually, because then things like the Santa Fe Indian Market began to grow and blossom. The craft work was judged, and people, collectors, demanded good quality. Before that, there was a lot of junk that was just tourist souvenirs--and there's still that. But the people who are really interested in producing good things now have an outlet, which they did not have before. Underhill: And what do you think of the quality of Navajo weaving these days? Wagner: Well, to my taste, it's too "picketty." It's too detailed. I like the really handsome, simple things. But this is my taste. I don't like a rug that is full of little bits of design, and that's what they tend to do now, even at Wide Ruins. (break, tape paused) Underhill: I apologize for jumping around, but as we were talking during our break, Lew pointed out that we should ask what your father did in West Virginia. Wagner: Well, my family was in the iron and steel business from before the Revolution. Underhill: Oh, my! Wagner: He was the president of the Wheeling Corrugating Company, and a member of the board of directors of the steel company. Steiger: So West Virginia, you were there because it was connected to all the mining and stuff that went on there? Wagner: Yes, my grandfather brought the steel mills from the east coast across the mountains to the Ohio River. It's all very involved. And widespread. And I have lots of relatives back there. The last time I was there, a cousin of mine gave a dinner party and invited only cousins, and there were eighty-five of us. Underhill: Oh, my gosh! (laughter) Wow! Wagner: Of course we count cousins unto the third and fourth generation. Now, the one that's here, that I was telling you about, she's my first cousin three times removed. (laughter) But we call each other "cousin." Underhill: A big clan. (laughs) Wagner: Uh-huh. Underhill: Now, when you were younger and you became intrigued with the Southwest and archaeology, what did you envision life being like? What did you think you would end up doing? Wagner: Oh, I wanted to be an archaeologist! Underhill: And did you want it to be in the Southwest, or an archaeologist anywhere? Wagner: No, with Indians--not necessarily Southwest. And as a matter of fact, I did work with the Pennsylvania Museum in the mound area. Underhill: Interesting. And was that during college or after college? Wagner: No, it was before. Underhill: Before college! (Wagner: Uh-huh.) Oh, my! (laughs) That's great. A very fine museum. Wagner: But once I came to the Southwest, like everybody else, I was hooked on it. Underhill: And what captured your attention? Wagner: Here? Underhill: Uh-huh, as opposed to West Virginia. Wagner: Oh, heavens! Well, the wide-open country, the big sky, the freedom for the individual here. The social constraints were not, and are not what they are in the East. Steiger: Were you able to follow your interest in archaeology? I mean, did you do any digging? Wagner: Well, I did with the Pennsylvania Museum, in the mound area. Steiger: But not out here? Wagner: Yes, I did, with the School of American Research--just one year. And then I became more interested, actually, in ethnology than archaeology. But I'm still interested in archaeology, and I'm on the board of the School of American Research. Cole: Tell us about--you mentioned Ansel Adams staying at the trading post. Do you have any stories about him, or what he was like? Wagner: Yes. I don't know whether you should turn this off or not. Underhill: We'd like to leave it on. Wagner: Ansel used to do an imitation of a lighthouse. He had very snappy black eyes, and he used to do this imitation of a lighthouse. (demonstrates) Underhill: Erick like that, like Ansel Adams, or archaeologists, or folks who were… Wagner: Yes. Clyde Kluckhohn. We fished him out of the wash in the middle of the night one night. Idiot! I don't know why he didn't know better. He and one of his students drove their station wagon into this roaring arroyo. It was raining like crazy. We had to pull him out. So he and his student stayed with us for a little while. Well, there were quite a few well-know people in their fields, like Martha Graham, she stayed with us once. Erick Hawkins, who was her husband at that time, and who later had his own company and was quite famous-- he visited us many times. He visited me here quite a number of times. He and I used to go back out onto the reservation, camping. And let's see, who else? Dr. Ted Kidder, the archaeologist. There were quite a number of people like that, well-known. Underhill: And were these friendships personal friendships, and that's how they came to call upon you? Or were they out touring? Wagner: Sometimes one, sometimes the other. Like Martha Graham and Erick Hawkins, they simply were touring around and dropped in, and we got to be friends that way. I had known Ted Kidder before, and I'd known Claude Kluckhohn before. As a matter of fact, that meeting where we pulled him out of the arroyo was like your meeting with Jan. Pulled him out and we sat on the bank and looked at each other. Well, well! Underhill: Now, you reacquired the trading post when the person to whom you had sold it couldn't meet payments. When did you sell it again? Wagner: It was in the fifties, but I don't remember the exact date. Underhill: And what prompted that sale? Wagner: Because we knew the Navajos were changing. Underhill: To whom did you sell the second time? Wagner: We sold it to the tribe. We could have sold it to the Lee chain, but the Lees owned all the other posts around there, and we didn't think that was such a good idea, to give them a monopoly in the area, so we sold it to the tribe itself. Underhill: How did it work out in terms of an operation? Did you hear tell of how the tribal ownership worked? Wagner: I really don't know. They hired Anglos to run it, but I don't know from then on. Cole: What about Pine Springs? Did you sell that one also? Wagner: We never really owned that. We leased it. The government itself had bought it. Cole: And what became of Bill Cousins, then, when you sold out? Wagner: He went to work for one of his brothers, who had, let's see, the hardware store in Gallup. He went to work for him. Steiger: So going back and forth in the Ganado area, did you become familiar with the Hubbells and all that stuff? Wagner: Oh, I knew them, but that's all. Underhill: If you could go back in time and change anything, is there anything that you would change about that time period? Wagner: I'd go back to the way it was before the war. Yes. Yeah. I really liked it there, and I liked and admired the Navajos. Underhill: What do you think you learned from the Navajo people? Wagner: Patience! sYes, indeed. Underhill: You're not wearing a wristwatch, huh? Wagner: No watch. Underhill: What do you think you taught the people that you lived with? Or shared anything with them? Wagner: You mean the Navajos? Underhill: Uh-huh. Wagner: Well, I think we persuaded them to make good rugs. The rugs they were making when we first went there were awful. I don't know. I hope that they learned something good from us--I don't know. Underhill: Is there anything that you would want to add about the trading experience? We've talked about the stereotype and what people should know. Is there anything else that you would like to add to the story or to the piece that we're missing? Wagner: Unt-uh. Underhill: [Lew] always has a good question. Steiger: Well, ____________, I have one more, and then I'll shut up. You talked about Lukachukai, this medicine man who cured you of your allergies. We've heard some pretty incredible stories. The McGees were telling us about medicine men that could find things that were lost. Wagner: What? Steiger: We've heard stories about amazing things that medicine men did, and I'm wondering if Lukachukai, if you know of other instances of his practice that were remarkable. If you saw him pull off anything. Wagner: Well, the time that Mary Toddy ran away from school and she was gone for several days, naturally everybody was worried about her. I don't believe it was Lukachukai--it may have been Black Rock-- did hand trembling to find her. He said that she was at a certain hogan at a certain place up in the mountains--and she was! Steiger: Yeah, that's amazing. Underhill: Was the hand trembling a ceremony that people observe, or the medicine man goes off by himself? Wagner: No, you can see it. (long pause) Is that it? Steiger: Can't think of anything else intelligent. Underhill: You're much more intelligent than we are about these questions, I think! Well, thank you so much for sharing some of your memories with us this morning, and for your patience, and good humor when we did not know who Gross Kelly was not! Thank you. [END OF INTERVIEW]